Noticias

Theodore Bilbo

Theodore Bilbo

Theodore Bilbo nació en el condado de Pearl River, Mississippi, el 13 de octubre de 1877. Después de asistir a la Universidad de Vanderbilt y la Universidad de Michigan, Bilbo trabajó como profesor en Mississippi. Admitido en el colegio de abogados en 1908, Bilbo ejercía la abogacía en Poplarville, Mississippi.

Miembro del Partido Demócrata, Bilbo sirvió en el Senado del Estado (1908-1912), como vicegobernador (1912-16) antes de ser elegido gobernador de Mississippi (1916-1920 y 1928-32). En ese momento, mantuvo opiniones bastante progresistas y aumentó los impuestos a las corporaciones y proporcionó ayuda estatal a la educación.

Bilbo fue elegido para el Senado de los Estados Unidos en 1934. Adoptó las políticas de Huey Long y dijo a los electores que tenía la intención de "armar el infierno con los señores del dinero, los pocos privilegiados, los hombres que poseen el 90 por ciento de la riqueza de la nación . "

Bilbo, un fuerte oponente de los derechos civiles de los afroamericanos, dijo a los electores de Mississippi en 1940 que: "Quiero impedir que los negros voten y así garantizar la supremacía blanca".

Bilbo fue presidente del Comité del Distrito de Columbia y formó parte del Comité de Pensiones. Theodore Bilbo murió en Nueva Orleans el 21 de agosto de 1947.


Theodore Bilbo

Theodore Gilmore Bilbo (13 de octubre de 1877-21 de agosto de 1947) fue un senador demócrata y miembro del Klan de Mississippi. Bilbo se desempeñó como gobernador de Mississippi de 1916 a 1920 y de 1928 a 1932, y como senador de EE. UU. De 1935 a 1947. Una figura destacada entre los políticos supremacistas blancos y segregacionistas, Bilbo elogió la filosofía racial nazi y fue famoso por su retórica extrema e incendiaria. . Bilbo enfrentó a tres retadores principales que se postulaban para un tercer mandato y le dijo a un grupo de partidarios: “Hago un llamado a todos los estadounidenses de sangre roja que creen en la superioridad e integridad de la raza blanca para que salgan y vean que ningún negro ** votos ". En la verdadera tradición demócrata, Bilbo ganó las elecciones primarias amañadas con un 51% en una contienda a cuatro bandas. Los republicanos recuperaron el control del Senado ese año en 1946 y se negaron a sentar a Bilbo cuando sus comentarios sobre la supresión de votantes demócratas para manipular las elecciones se hicieron más conocidos. Murió 7 meses después, sin poder ocupar su asiento, mientras el Senado seguía investigando. [1]

Mientras era gobernador de Mississippi, Bilbo instituyó un impuesto a las ventas en todo el estado & # 91 Cita necesaria & # 93 y provocó la quiebra del estado después de no poder negociar un proyecto de ley de impuestos con la legislatura.

Bilbo fue un líder entre otros demócratas racistas, incluido el exaltado cíclope Robert Byrd y el presidente Franklin Delano Roosevelt, el último de los cuales lo llamó "un verdadero amigo del gobierno liberal". [2] Afirmó estar "100 por ciento a favor de Roosevelt y el New Deal". [3] En un obstruccionismo de 1938 contra la legislación contra los linchamientos, Bilbo dijo en el Senado que el proyecto de ley "abriría las compuertas del infierno en el sur" al alentar a los hombres negros a violar a mujeres blancas.

En su libro cuando Jim Crow conoció a John Bull, Graham Smith se refirió a una carta que Bilbo recibió del exaltado cíclope Robert Byrd cuando en 1945 la controversia sobre la idea de integrar racialmente a las fuerzas armadas.

Preferiría morir mil veces y ver a Old Glory pisoteada en la tierra para nunca volver a levantarse, que ver esta amada tierra nuestra ser degradada por razas mestizas, un retroceso al espécimen más negro de la selva.
Anteriormente había escrito a Bilbo:
Nunca pelearé en las fuerzas armadas con un negro a mi lado
Bilbo dijo Conoce a la prensa en una entrevista del 9 de agosto de 1946:
Ningún hombre puede dejar el Klan. Hace un juramento de no hacer eso. Una vez Ku Klux, siempre Ku Klux. [4]

En 1946, después de que cuatro hombres blancos golpearan a un veterano del Ejército Negro por intentar registrarse para votar, el senador Bilbo pronunció un discurso por radio instando a todos los "anglosajones de sangre roja en Mississippi a recurrir a cualquier medio para mantener a cientos de negros fuera de las urnas". en la primaria del 2 de julio ". Continuó: "Y si no sabe lo que eso significa, simplemente no está al tanto de sus medidas persuasivas". Los senadores del sur defendieron con éxito a Bilbo contra un esfuerzo liderado por la NAACP para destituirlo de su cargo por incitar a la violencia contra los votantes negros. A pesar de haber sido reelegido, se le impidió asumir el cargo. [1]

Antes de sucumbir al cáncer oral a los 69 años, luego de décadas de escupir odio, intolerancia e incitación a la violencia, Bilbo pasó las últimas semanas de su vida escribiendo un libro: Elija su elección: separación o mestizaje, en el que describió sus temores de "mezcla de razas" y abogó por la reubicación de afroamericanos en África Occidental. (Había propuesto un proyecto de ley de reubicación en el Senado en 1938, pero fracasó). Bilbo nunca repudió sus puntos de vista racistas y siguió siendo una figura influyente entre los principales segregacionistas del Sur mucho después de su muerte.


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Theodore G. Bilbo y la Ley de Gran Liberia

Nacido el 13 de octubre de 1877 en Juniper Grove en el condado de Pearl River, Theodore G. Bilbo ocupó un lugar destacado en la política de Mississippi de 1909 a 1947. Se desempeñó como senador estatal, vicegobernador, gobernador y senador de los Estados Unidos. Si bien muchos adoraban su apasionado deseo de mejorar la calidad de vida de los ciudadanos blancos de clase trabajadora y pobres del estado, sus puntos de vista segregacionistas alienaron a muchos otros en todo el país.

Siguiendo la ideología de los radicales negros como Marcus Garvey, fundador de la United Negro Improvement Association (U.N.I.A) y ex garveyista, Mittie Gordon, quien estableció el Movimiento por la Paz de Etiopía, Bilbo patrocinó la Ley de la Gran Liberia. En 1939, el proyecto de ley Bilbo & rsquos brindó a los afroamericanos & rsquos la oportunidad de trasladarse a África en un intento de escapar de la intolerancia racial en los Estados Unidos. En realidad, su intención era sacar a todos los afroamericanos de los Estados Unidos creando un país "muy blanco".

Bilbo mantuvo correspondencia regular con representantes de la U.N.I. A. y el Movimiento por la Paz de Etiopía recibiendo peticiones firmadas por afroamericanos a favor del proyecto de ley. Las organizaciones recolectaron más de dos millones de firmas con una selección de las de Theodore G. Bilbo Papers in Special Collections en las Bibliotecas de la Universidad del Sur de Mississippi. La colección también contiene recortes, registros políticos, correspondencia, fotografías y otros documentos relacionados con su vida y carrera.

Para obtener más información sobre los documentos de Theodore G. Bilbo o cualquier colección de colecciones especiales, comuníquese con Jennifer Brannock al 601.266.4347. Para ver más artículos del mes, haga clic aquí.

Texto de Eve Wade, estudiante de doctorado en Historia, University of Southern Mississippi


Theodore Bilbo - Historia

Título de la colección: Papeles de Bilbo (Theodore G.)

Número de colección: M2

Fechas: 1905-1947

Volumen: 690 cu. pie

Procedencia: Donado por el hijo y la hija de Theodore Bilbo, el Coronel Theodore G. Bilbo, Jr. y la Sra. Jessie Bilbo Burge, en 1961.

Derechos de autor: Esta colección puede estar protegida contra copia no autorizada por la Ley de Derechos de Autor del
Estados Unidos (Título 17, Código de los Estados Unidos).


Bosquejo biográfico / histórico:


Theodore G. Bilbo, el trigésimo segundo gobernador de Mississippi, fue quizás la figura más controvertida que se haya desempeñado como director ejecutivo del estado.

Nació el 13 de octubre de 1877 en Juniper Grove en el condado de Pearl River. Asistió a la Universidad de Vanderbilt y enseñó en la escuela durante seis años. En 1908 fue admitido en el colegio de abogados de Tennessee, pero comenzó a ejercer la abogacía en Poplarville, Mississippi.

Bilbo entró en política en 1909 como senador estatal del Cuarto Distrito. Antes del final de su mandato, el Senado hizo un esfuerzo infructuoso para expulsarlo después de la primera en su carrera de varias acusaciones de aceptar sobornos. En 1911, el senador Bilbo fue elegido después de una tormentosa campaña como vicegobernador para servir con el gobernador Earl L. Brewer. Cuatro años más tarde entró en la carrera por la gobernación y fue elegido por encima de cuatro oponentes.

El gobernador Bilbo fue investido el 18 de enero de 1916 y su administración durante los siguientes cuatro años fue tan progresiva como la de cualquiera en la historia del estado. Su administración instituyó reformas notables en el sistema vial, en las políticas fiscales y en la educación. Bajo su administración se establecieron la Comisión Estatal de Impuestos, la Escuela de Capacitación Industrial de Mississippi, la Comisión de Caza y Pesca, la Junta Estatal de Plantas y la Junta Estatal de Embalsamamiento.

Bilbo volvió a ser candidato a gobernador en 1923, pero fue derrotado por Henry L. Whitfield. En 1927 volvió a postularse, con M.S. Conner, A.C Anderson y el gobernador Dennis Murphree como oponentes. Aunque lideró al gobernador Murphree por casi 65,000 votos en la primera primaria, pudo superarlo en la segunda por solo un poco más de 10,000 votos.

El gobernador Bilbo fue investido por segunda vez el 17 de enero de 1928. Los siguientes cuatro años estuvieron llenos de controversias sobre una imprenta estatal, caminos de ladrillos, el traslado de la Universidad de Mississippi a Jackson, el despido de presidentes y profesores universitarios, y el edificio del Hospital Estatal de Mississippi en Whitfield. Dos funcionarios estatales fueron acusados, uno renunció y el otro fue exonerado. La Depresión se sumó a los problemas del gobernador Bilbo, de modo que cuando dejó el cargo en 1932, tanto él como el estado estaban en bancarrota.

En 1934, el gobernador Bilbo se postuló para el Senado de los Estados Unidos contra el senador Hubert D. Stephens, Ross A. Collins y Frank H. Harper. Aunque Stephens lideró en la primera primaria, el gobernador Bilbo ganó en la segunda por unos 6.000 votos. Fue reelegido en 1940 sobre el gobernador Hugh L. White. En 1946 derrotó a cuatro oponentes por un tercer mandato, pero, nuevamente enfrentando cargos de aceptar sobornos, se le negó su asiento cuando pareció prestar juramento por tercera vez. Murió en Nueva Orleans el 21 de agosto de 1947.

Alcance y contenido:

Los documentos de Theodore G. Bilbo documentan las actividades del ex gobernador de Mississippi y senador de los Estados Unidos desde aproximadamente 1905-1947. Para facilitar su uso, la colección se ha dividido en los siguientes siete subgrupos:

Subgrupo I: Vida temprana y política a través del primer gobierno, 1905-1920, recuadro 1

El subgrupo I consta de registros personales, elementos relacionados con el juicio por soborno de 1910 y materiales relacionados con el primer mandato de Bilbo como gobernador (1916-1920).

Subgrupo II: Práctica de derecho privado y Mississippi Free Lance, 1920-1928, recuadros 2 a 34

Los materiales del Subgrupo II cubren el período entre el primer y segundo mandato de Bilbo como gobernador de Mississippi. Se incluyen documentos personales, correspondencia personal, correspondencia de campaña, recortes de periódicos, una variedad de documentos comerciales y profesionales, y materiales relacionados con el controvertido semanario político de Bilbo, Mississippi Free Lance, que se publicó en Jackson.

Subgrupo III: Segundo mandato como gobernador, 1928-1932, recuadros 35-129

Las casillas 35 a 100 de este subgrupo contienen correspondencia general hacia y desde el gobernador Bilbo, que ha sido designado como "A" o "B." La correspondencia designada como "A" consiste en cartas escritas a Bilbo, y está ordenada cronológicamente y alfabéticamente, por apellido del escritor. o por el nombre de la agencia de origen. La correspondencia "B" significa cartas escritas por Bilbo, y está ordenada cronológica y alfabéticamente, por nombre de la persona o agencia a la que se dirige.

Los recuadros 101-111 se componen de archivos de temas de gobernador, que están ordenados alfabéticamente.

Las cajas 112-129 contienen recortes de periódicos de 1928-1932.

Subgrupo IV: Práctica de derecho privado y Departamento de Agricultura de EE. UU., 1932-1935, recuadros 130-169

Los recuadros 130-164 consisten en correspondencia general relacionada con las actividades de Bilbo en el intervalo entre su segundo mandato como gobernador y su elección al Senado de los Estados Unidos. En 1933, gracias a los esfuerzos del senador Pat Harrison, Bilbo obtuvo un puesto en la Administración de Ajuste Agrícola, donde se le asignó la tarea de compilar un álbum de recortes para la AAA de periódicos, revistas y otras fuentes publicadas. Bilbo se llamó a sí mismo "Consejero Asesor", pero sus enemigos lo apodaron "Maestro General del Pastor". La correspondencia en esta agrupación se organiza de la misma manera que en el Subgrupo III.

Las cajas 165-169 contienen recortes de periódicos de 1932-1935.

Subgrupo V: Senado de los Estados Unidos, 1935-1947, Casillas 170-1167

Los materiales del Subgrupo V se han dividido en tres subtítulos: Correspondencia general, Archivos temáticos y Recortes de periódicos.

La correspondencia (Casillas 170-969) contiene cartas hacia y desde Bilbo, y están ordenadas de la manera descrita en el Subgrupo III. Esta serie contiene una gran cantidad de información sobre las actividades y la ideología del senador Bilbo.

Los archivos de materias del senador Bilbo (cajas 970-1145) están ordenados alfabéticamente y consisten en archivos que Bilbo mantiene durante sus dos mandatos.

Los recortes de periódicos (cajas 1146-1167) están ordenados cronológicamente y documentan eventos entre 1935 y 1947.

Subgrupo VI: Fotografías, cajas 1168-1174

  1. Las fotografías del Subgrupo VI datan de alrededor de 1888-1953 y se han dividido en siete categorías:
  2. Theodore G. Bilbo (Cajas 1168-1170)
  3. Miembros de la familia Bilbo (casilla 1170)
  4. Dream Houses I & amp II, y la Iglesia Bautista Juniper Grove (Caja 1170)
  5. Personas identificadas (casillas 1170-1171)
  6. Personas no identificadas (casillas 1171-1172)
  7. Plazas (Caja 1173)
  8. Asignaturas (Casilla 1174)

Subgrupo VII: Materiales varios, cajas 1175-1188 y carpetas de gran tamaño

El subgrupo VII está compuesto por una variedad de materiales que no encajaban bien en ninguna otra categoría. Se incluyen manuscritos de Redneck Liberal, una biografía de Theodore G. Bilbo escrita por Chester M. Morgan copias encuadernadas de Lanza libre de Mississippi dos copias de Elija su elección: segregación o mestizaje por Theodore G. Bilbo aproximadamente 2000 material de referencia de peticiones firmado por el & quot; Movimiento por la Paz de Etiopía & quot; relacionado con las andanadas políticas de Bilbo, volantes, folletos, artefactos y recuerdos. Un elemento único en este subgrupo es un segmento de alfombra tomado del puesto de oradores en el discurso inaugural de 1941 del presidente Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

Esta colección brinda información sobre el gobierno del estado de Mississippi en las primeras décadas del siglo XX, así como sobre la cultura estadounidense, el clima político y las actividades gubernamentales durante la Gran Depresión y la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Pinta un retrato definitivo de una de las figuras políticas más coloridas y controvertidas de Mississippi, y es de un valor incalculable para los investigadores tanto de Mississippi como de la historia estadounidense.

Colecciones relacionadas:

Col. Theodore G. Bilbo, Jr. [hijo] Entrevista de historia oral, vol. 151. Una copia de la transcripción está disponible en la Biblioteca McCain, número de teléfono F341.5 .M57.

George W. Bilbo [sobrino] Entrevista de historia oral, vol. 440. Una copia de la transcripción está disponible en la Biblioteca McCain, número de teléfono F341.5 .M57.

J.O. Bilbo [sobrino] Entrevista de historia oral, vol. 453. Una copia de la transcripción está disponible en la Biblioteca McCain, número de teléfono F341.5 .M57.

Publicaciones:

Las siguientes publicaciones de Theodore G. Bilbo están disponibles en las Bibliotecas Cook y McCain:

Lanza libre de Mississippi [microforma] (Jackson, Miss.), número de llamada AN2.J33 M577 (Cook).

Discurso de bienvenida / pronunciado por el gobernador Theo. G. Bilbo a la cuadragésima reunión anual de veteranos confederados (Biloxi, Miss .: s.n., 1930), número de teléfono E650 .W44 1930 (McCain).

Informe de la Comisión de Construcción de Mississippi a la Legislatura de Mississippi, 1 de febrero de 1930, Theo G. Bilbo, presidente (Jackson, Miss. The Commission, 1930), número de teléfono KFM7062.5.L34 A25 1930 (McCain).

Mensaje especial del gobernador Theo. G. Bilbo a la sesión extraordinaria, 20 de octubre de 1931: Recomendar la propiedad estatal y el control del gas y la energía eléctrica para la gente de Mississippi (Jackson, Miss. S.n., 1931?), Número de teléfono HD2767.M74 M572 1931 (McCain).

Ampliación de Palabras del Excmo. Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, 17 de abril de 1944 (Washington, D.C .: GPO, 1944), número de teléfono E749 .B55 1944 (McCain).

Discurso del Excmo. Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, jueves 14 de diciembre de 1944 (Washington, D.C .: GPO, 1945), número de teléfono HG1591 .B55 1945 (McCain).

Discursos del senador Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, 27, 28 de junio, 3, 6, 24 y 28 de julio de 1945 (Washington, D.C .: GPO, 1945), número de teléfono HD4903.5.U5 B55 1945 (McCain).

Discursos del senador Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, 3, 4 y 24 de octubre de 1945 (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1945), número de teléfono HE1063 .B55 1945 (McCain).

Discursos del senador Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, 20 de septiembre de 1945 (Washington, D.C .: GPO, 1945), número de teléfono S541 .B55 1945 (McCain).

Discursos del Excmo. Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, 30, 31 de enero y 7 de febrero de 1946 (Washington, D.C .: GPO, 1946), número de teléfono E742.5 .B55 1946 (McCain).

Tome su opción Separación o mestizaje (Poplarville, Mississippi, Dream House Publishing Company, 1947), número de teléfono E185.61 .B55 (Cook, McCain).

Discursos del Excmo. Theodore G. Bilbo de Mississippi en el Senado de los Estados Unidos, 10 y 14 de mayo de 1945 (Washington, D.C .: GPO, 1945), número de teléfono HD4903.5.U5 B54 1945 (McCain).

Lista de carpetas y buzones: Haga clic aquí para acceder a una lista de los contenidos de la colección.

Adhesiones: Haga clic aquí para acceder a una lista de adiciones recientes a la colección.


Theodore Bilbo - Historia

Theodore Bilbo. Fuente de la imagen: Wikimedia Commons

Las actitudes hacia el KKK han cambiado drásticamente a lo largo de los años, como lo demuestran los arcos contrastantes de dos figuras públicas separadas por solo medio siglo: Theodore Bilbo y David Duke.

Durante sus múltiples mandatos, como gobernador y senador de Mississippi a principios del siglo XX, el nombre de Theodore Bilbo se convirtió en sinónimo de racismo en Estados Unidos. El renombrado periodista H. L. Mencken incluso acuñó el término & # 8220Bilboísmo & # 8221 para el tipo de prejuicio oficial en el que Bilbo hizo campaña.

En 1938, trató de enmendar el proyecto de ley federal de ayuda laboral en el Senado con una disposición para deportar a 12 millones de estadounidenses negros a Liberia. Ese mismo año, ante la perspectiva de un proyecto de ley federal contra los linchamientos, Bilbo argumentó:

& # 8220Si tienes éxito en la aprobación de este proyecto de ley, abrirás las compuertas del infierno en el sur. Las violaciones, el acoso, los linchamientos, los disturbios raciales y el crimen se multiplicarán por mil y en sus prendas y en las prendas de los responsables de la aprobación de la medida estará la sangre de las hijas de Dixie violadas e ultrajadas, así como de la sangre de los perpetradores de estos crímenes que los hombres blancos sureños anglosajones de sangre roja no tolerarán. & # 8221

Cerca del final de su vida, Bilbo apareció en el programa de radio Conoce a la prensa y admitió haber sido miembro del KKK durante toda su vida.

Con el aire de un hombre que afirma un principio solemne, afirmó: & # 8220 Ningún hombre puede abandonar el Klan. Hace un juramento de no hacer eso. Una vez un Ku Klux, siempre un Ku Klux. & # 8221 Hoy, una estatua de Theodore Bilbo adorna la sala en el Capitolio de Mississippi donde se reúne el Caucus Legislativo Negro. Según los informes, se utiliza como perchero.

En marcado contraste con la carrera generalmente exitosa de Bilbo, se encuentra la carrera de cuatro décadas de David Duke. Como Bilbo, Duke es un político sureño. A diferencia de Bilbo, Duke generalmente no ha tenido éxito en ganar un cargo público con la excepción de un solo período como Representante de los Estados Unidos de su estado adoptivo de Louisiana.

En 1974, a la edad de 24 años, David Duke se unió y rápidamente ascendió a la cima del KKK. A diferencia de Bilbo, quien mantuvo su membresía relativamente tranquila pero pronunció discursos espeluznantes desde el piso del Congreso, Duke siempre fue abierto sobre su participación en el KKK, pero trabajó esencialmente para blanquear la imagen pública de la organización.

En lugar de celebrar sombrías ceremonias secretas y predicar el derramamiento de sangre y el asesinato, Duke alentó a los miembros de los Caballeros del KKK (que él fundó) a usar trajes de negocios y a apropiarse del lenguaje del movimiento por los derechos civiles para describir la & # 8220predeterminación & # 8221 de los estadounidenses blancos. . Incluso cambió su título de Gran Mago por el menos culto & # 8220National Director & # 8221. La idea parece haber sido la de incorporar al KKK en la sociedad y la política.

Si la integración del KKK fuera el plan de Duke, no podría haber fallado de manera más espectacular. Durante su mandato como & # 8220Director Nacional & # 8221, la membresía del Klan cayó en picada a los actuales 5.000-8.000. La organización nacional fue demandada por el Southern Poverty Law Center, para ser reemplazada por cientos de Klaverns oficialmente independientes, pocos de los cuales tienen una membresía de tres dígitos.

La asociación con el KKK destruyó las ambiciones políticas de David Duke. Durante las elecciones presidenciales de 1988, la única victoria de Duke fue en las primarias vicepresidenciales de New Hampshire. Corriendo en 11 estados con el boleto populista, ganó apenas 50.000 votos & # 8211 en una carrera que vio 91,5 millones de votos emitidos. El candidato libertario Ron Paul obtuvo 10 veces el recuento de votos de Duke & # 8217.

Las humillaciones electorales de Duke no terminaron ahí: después de ganar una elección especial para la Cámara de Representantes en 1989, Duke perdió su candidatura al Senado en 1990 cuando su propio Partido Republicano concedió la elección a un demócrata en lugar de dejar que Duke se postulara.

En 1991, Duke perdió su candidatura para convertirse en gobernador de Luisiana. En 1992, nuevamente no logró votar al uno por ciento en las primarias presidenciales republicanas. En 1996, los votantes rechazaron su segunda candidatura al Senado. En 1999, quedó tercero en una elección especial para la Cámara.


Una breve historia del filibustero

Los filibusteros tienden a ser más exasperantes que inspiradores.

Después de hablar sin parar durante 10 horas y 35 minutos, Huey Long informó a sus compañeros senadores que no estaba nada cansado. “Preferiría quedarme aquí e irme diez horas más”, dijo. "Estoy en el paraíso de los cerdos aquí hablando de esto".

Eran las 10:30 de la noche del 12 de junio de 1935 y el senador Long había estado parloteando desde el mediodía, tratando de evitar una votación que sabía que perdería. El Senado estaba preparado para aprobar una extensión de la Ley de Recuperación Nacional del presidente Franklin Roosevelt, a la que Long se opuso, y estaba tratando de hablar del proyecto de ley hasta la muerte. Huey era un conversador muy entretenido, por lo que los espectadores llenaron la galería, muchos de ellos Shriners en la ciudad para una convención. "Parece que tengo una nueva inspiración", anunció Long. "Me parece escuchar una voz que dice: 'Habla diez horas más'".

Durante su épico filibustero, Long ignoró principalmente la Ley de Recuperación Nacional, prefiriendo leer la Constitución, citar la Biblia y contar historias divertidas sobre su tío borracho y las serpientes de su Luisiana natal. En broma, propuso un proyecto de ley para derogar "todas las leyes que han sido promulgadas por las administraciones de Hoover y Roosevelt". Dio una lección paso a paso sobre cómo freír ostras, y luego tomó una papelera y demostró cómo hacer potlikker. “Si tuvieras una olla de hojas de nabo de aproximadamente dos tercios del tamaño de esta papelera”, dijo, “deberías poner alrededor de una libra de trozo de carne que está cortada en rodajas, pero no limpia, solo hasta la parte de la piel ... "

A medida que avanzaba la noche, Long elogiaba periódicamente su propia oración, describiéndola como "este discurso magistral" y "un discurso maravilloso" y "uno de los más grandes discursos que jamás se haya pronunciado en este organismo". Después de 15 horas de filibusterismo, incluso tuvo la audacia de proclamar: "No creo en el filibusterismo". Luego se enfrentó a la poderosa fuerza que condena a la mayoría de los filibusteros solitarios: la llamada de la naturaleza. A las 3:50 a.m., con la vejiga a punto de estallar, Long cedió el piso y corrió al baño de hombres. El Senado pronto aprobó el proyecto de ley.

El maratón monólogo de Long inspiró la famosa escena filibustero del actor Jimmy Stewart en la clásica película de 1939 de Frank Capra. El Sr. Smith va a Washington. Y la película ayudó a crear la noción perdurable de un senador filibustero como un héroe solitario que desafía valientemente al sistema político corrupto. Es una imagen reconfortante pero, ay, es un mito. La mayoría de los filibusteros no son solitarios ni valientes, y tienden a ser más exasperantes que inspiradores.

La colorida historia de los filibusteros es una mezcla heterogénea de idealismo, cinismo, egomanía, bufonadas y, a decir verdad, una gran cantidad de racismo descarado. E implica mucho más que simplemente hablar de un proyecto de ley a muerte. "Un obstruccionismo es cualquier dispositivo utilizado por una minoría para evitar una votación porque presumiblemente la mayoría ganaría", dice Donald A. Ritchie, historiador oficial del Senado. De hecho, en estos días la mera amenaza de un obstruccionismo es suficiente para crear un estancamiento.

Los filibusteros ataron al antiguo Senado romano, así como al Parlamento británico. Dondequiera que encuentre legislaturas, encontrará legisladores estancados para evitar votaciones que saben que perderán. Pero el estancamiento es parte del tejido mismo del Senado de los Estados Unidos. Los Padres Fundadores crearon el Senado como un freno a la Cámara de Representantes, que estaba más cerca del pueblo y, por lo tanto, creían los Fundadores, se inflamaría con las pasiones salvajes y los caprichos de la chusma.

En la república temprana, los filibusteros ataron ambas cámaras del Congreso, pero en 1811 la Cámara promulgó reglas para limitar el debate. El Senado, un organismo más pequeño compuesto por egos más grandes, derrotó todos los intentos de restringir el debate durante otros 106 años. En consecuencia, el Senado con frecuencia se vio esposado por una pequeña minoría, o por un miembro prolijo.

En 1841, cuando la mayoría whig del Senado quiso despedir a los impresores oficiales del Senado, la minoría demócrata se filibuscó durante una semana y el debate se convirtió en ataques personales tan maliciosos que el demócrata William King de Alabama desafió al líder Whig Henry Clay a un duelo. Clay aceptó el desafío, y los dos hombres podrían haberse matado entre sí si no hubieran sido llevados ante un magistrado, quien puso el freno al tiroteo. Unos meses más tarde, los demócratas obtuvieron durante semanas un proyecto de ley de un banco whig. Clay anunció que patrocinaría una legislación que permitiera a la mayoría del Senado interrumpir el debate, pero se vio obligado a dar marcha atrás cuando sus compañeros whigs le dijeron que votarían en contra.

In 1846 Southern senators filibustered against a bill to appropriate money to purchase land from Mexico because it contained an amendment that prohibited slavery in the purchased territory. After a month-long filibuster, the appropriation passed—but without the antislavery provision.

Filibusters became increasingly common in the decades after the Civil War, with loquacious senators trying to kill bills on issues ranging from federal silver purchases to black voting rights. In 1903 Benjamin “Pitchfork Ben” Tillman, a South Carolina Democrat, threatened to filibuster all pending legislation unless the Senate paid his state $47,000 that he claimed it was owed for expenditures in—believe it or not—the War of 1812. When the Senate capitulated and approved the appropriation, Rep. Joseph Cannon rose on the floor of the House and demanded that the Senate “change its methods of procedure.” If not, he threatened, the House “backed up by the people, will compel that change.” Cannon’s House colleagues cheered his speech but the Senate, in its lofty majesty, ignored it. It takes more than insults from the House to change Senate rules. In this case, it took World War I.


Mississippi Senator Theodore Bilbo filibustered a 1938 anti-lynching bill to protect “Saxon civilization.” (Biblioteca del Congreso)

In March 1917—shortly before the United States entered the war—President Woodrow Wilson urged Congress to pass a bill to arm American merchant ships against German submarines. A dozen antiwar senators, led by Wisconsin progressive Robert LaFollette, filibustered the bill and defeated it. Wilson denounced this “little group of willful men” and demanded that the Senate curb filibusters. In the wartime patriotic frenzy, the Senate complied, passing Rule 22, which allowed it to end debate on a bill if two-thirds of senators vote for “cloture.”

The cloture rule provided a method for cutting off filibusters by a small group, but it was powerless against filibusters supported by more than a third of senators, which explains how Southern Democrats were able to use filibusters to kill every meaningful civil rights bill for the next 47 years.

The Southern filibusters were serious, well-organized power plays designed to defeat any attempt to extend equal rights to black people. For decades, the House passed bills to outlaw discrimination and protect the right of black citizens to vote, only to watch the bills killed by filibusters in the Senate. In an era when white mobs frequently lynched black people with impunity, Southern senators used filibusters to defeat anti-lynching bills in 1922, 1935, 1938, 1948 and 1949.

While filibustering to deny rights to minority groups, Southern senators had the gall to tout the filibuster as a tool to protect minority rights—meaning the right of a minority of senators to prevent the majority from voting on civil rights bills.

“Without the filibuster,” said Sen. Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi, “the minority would be at the mercy of the majority.”

“The filibuster is the last defense of reason, the sole defense of minorities,” said Sen. Lyndon Johnson of Texas, while filibustering against a 1949 civil rights bill.

Sen. Millard Tydings of Maryland took the argument even further: “It was cloture,” he said, “that crucified Christ on the cross.”

Not surprisingly, the longest solo filibuster in history was an anti–civil rights monologue. It came in 1957, when Lyndon Johnson was the Senate majority leader. Johnson wanted to become president but he calculated that he could never win the Democratic nomination if he was associated with the Senate’s infamous filibusters. So he carefully crafted a civil rights bill so toothless that his Southern colleagues agreed not to filibuster against it. But one senator broke that agreement—Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, who was worried about reelection.

On August 28, 1957, Thurmond took a steam bath to dehydrate his body so it could absorb liquids without requiring a bathroom break. Armed with malt tablets and bits of cooked hamburger and diced pumpernickel, he began talking at 8:54 p.m., and he didn’t stop for the next 24 hours and 18 minutes. He read the voting laws of all 48 states and quoted George Washington’s Farewell Address, but he forgot to mention that 35 years earlier he had impregnated his parents’ 16-year-old black maid, and consequently one of the people he was fighting to keep segregated was his daughter.

Thurmond’s marathon broke the filibuster record set by Sen. Wayne Morse in 1953, when the Oregon maverick denounced an oil bill for 22 hours and 26 minutes. “I salute him,” Morse said of Thurmond. “It takes a lot out of a man to talk so long.”

But Thurmond’s Southern colleagues didn’t salute. They were livid when Strom’s publicity stunt sparked a barrage of phone calls and telegrams from angry segregationists back home, who demanded to know why they weren’t helping Thurmond fight for white supremacy.

“If I had undertaken a filibuster for personal political aggrandizement,” said Richard Russell of Georgia, the leader of the Southern caucus, “I would have forever reproached myself for being guilty of a form of treason against the South.”

Seven years later, in 1964, President Johnson committed his own “treason against the South” by supporting a strong civil rights bill. Again, Southern senators tried to kill the bill by filibuster, but times had changed. American television viewers had watched Southern cops attacking nonviolent black protestors with nightsticks, dogs and fire hoses, and civil rights had become the moral issue of the age.

On March 30, as the Southerners started filibustering, CBS News reporter Roger Mudd began filing bulletins from the steps of the Capitol several times a day, standing next to a clock that ticked off the days and hours of the filibuster. The clock reached day 57—June 10—when Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia finished his 14-hour anti–civil rights speech, and then the Senate finally voted on a cloture motion. The motion required 67 votes—two-thirds of the Senate—and everyone knew it would be close.

A Senate clerk called the roll. "Señor. Aiken.”

Two navy corpsmen wheeled Sen. Clair Engle, a California Democrat, down the center aisle. Engle was dying of brain cancer and his voice was too weak to be heard. Slowly, painfully, he lifted his hand and pointed to his eye.

"Señor. Engle votes ‘aye,’” said the clerk.

The “ayes” won. For the first time in history, the Senate voted to break a filibuster on a civil rights bill. Nine days later, the Senate passed the landmark law that ended segregation.

The filibuster was tainted by its connection to Southern racism, but after 1964, it became just another legislative tactic, used by all kinds of senators for all kinds of reasons. For starters, in 1968 a bipartisan filibuster defeated President Lyndon Johnson’s nomination of Abe Fortas as chief justice of the Supreme Court.

In 1975 the Senate changed the number of votes needed for cloture from 67 to 60. Two years later, a pair of senators opposed to a natural gas deregulation bill tried to kill it with a “post-cloture filibuster”—bringing up scores of amendments and demanding time-consuming roll call votes on each. After 13 days of mind-numbing tedium, Robert Byrd, who was then Senate majority leader, thwarted the filibuster with a complex parliamentary maneuver, and the bill passed.

In 1987 Republicans defeated seven cloture votes to kill a Democratic campaign finance reform bill. When Democrats brought up the bill again in 1988, Republicans launched another filibuster. “We are ready to go all night,” said Republican Whip Alan Simpson of Wyoming. “We will have our sturdy SWAT teams and people on vitamin pills and colostomy bags and Lord knows what else.”

During the long night, Republican senators boycotted a roll call vote and in their absence, Democrats voted to command the Senate sergeant-at-arms to “arrest the absent Senators and bring them to the Chamber.” Sergeant-at-Arms Henry Giugni found Republican Robert Packwood of Oregon in his office and arrested him. Packwood insisted that he be carried into the Senate chamber—and at 1:17 a.m., he was. Despite the theatrics, the Republicans still killed the bill. “The events of the last 48 hours,” noted Republican Warren Rudman of New Hampshire, “were a curious blend of ‘Dallas,’ ‘Dynasty,’ ‘The Last Buccaneer’ and Friday Night Fights.”

That filibuster was a team effort others were solo performances. In 1981 William Proxmire, a Wisconsin Democrat, spoke for 16 hours and 12 minutes to protest the fact that the national debt had reached a trillion dollars. (Now it’s over 12 trillion.) In 1986 Alphonse D’Amato, a New York Republican, spoke for 23 hours and 30 minutes to protest a defense bill that failed to fund a warplane made in his home state. In 1992 D’Amato spoke for 15 hours and 14 minutes against a bill that he claimed would hurt a New York typewriter company. (In both years, perhaps not coincidently, D’Amato faced tough reelection battles.)

The number of filibusters has soared since 1986, which might be connected to the fact that the Senate began televising its debates that year. Since then, senators from both parties have defeated judicial nominations by filibustering—or threatening to filibuster. This now occurs so often that it has become a ritual: When Democrats threaten to filibuster, Republicans demand “a simple up-or-down vote.” When Republicans threaten to filibuster, Democrats demand an up-or-down vote.

Whatever their party affiliation, critics of the filibuster are undeniably correct: The tactic is intrinsically undemocratic. But so is the Senate itself—a legislative body in which every state gets two votes whether it contains 550,000 people, like Wyoming, or 36 million, like California.

The Senate could end all filibusters by simply voting to amend its rules. Periodically, a senator proposes such a change, but the proposal inevitably fails because deep down, senators love the filibuster. They love it for two reasons. The high-minded reason was summed up by Sen. Byrd in 1989: “The framers of the Constitution thought of the Senate as the safeguard against hasty and unwise action by the House.” The less high-minded reason was summed up by Senate historian Donald Ritchie in 2010: “Asking a senator to speak for a long time isn’t a punishment. They love to do that.”

And so the filibuster goes on. Y en. Y en. Occasionally it gets downright bizarre. I witnessed one of those occasions on November 12, 2003, when I was covering the Senate for the Washington Post. Democrats were threatening to filibuster against four of George W. Bush’s judicial nominees. In response, Republicans concocted a wacky new tactic—the anti-filibuster filibuster. For more than 30 hours—all of one night and deep into the next—the Republicans filibustered to protest the Democrats’ plan to filibuster.

This anti-filibuster filibuster incensed Democrat Harry Reid of Nevada so much that he protested against it by—yes, you guessed it!—filibustering. He denounced the anti-filibuster filibuster for eight solid hours. Reid’s speech was the Senate’s first anti-anti-filibuster filibuster—and it included recipes for goulash, advice on how to keep rabbits out of the garden and a dramatic reading of six chapters of his book about his boyhood hometown of Searchlight.

It made for a long, absurd, surreal spectacle, and those of us who witnessed it will never forget it, no matter how hard we try.

Peter Carlson writes our Encounter column. Su último libro es K Blows Top.


Theodore Bilbo, a Mississippi Disgrace

Theodore Bilbo, the Mississippi demagogue and likely KKK member, committed his public service tenure to preserving segregation and used all power at his disposal to prevent African Americans from attaining equal civil and political rights. Bilbo, along with other Southern senators, embarked on one of the Senate’s longest filibusters to prevent passage of an anti-lynching bill, saying (on the Senate floor!) “If you succeed in the passage of this bill, you will open the floodgates of hell in the South. Raping, mobbing, lynching, race riots, and crime will be increased a thousandfold and upon your garments and the garments of those who are responsible for the passage of the measure will be the blood of the raped and outraged daughters of Dixie, as well as the blood of the perpetrators of these crimes that the red-blooded AngloSaxon white Southern men will not tolerate.”

In that same speech, Bilbo first dabbled with an idea to return all 12 million blacks to Africa. He introduced legislation to achieve that goal in 1938 and continued pushing for this “repatriation” during the Second World War. Upon the war’s completion, he added a new target for his vitriol: Jews. Defeating Nazism apparently didn’t defeat anti-Semitism at home.

Writing to Leonard Golditch, executive secretary of the National Committee to Combat Anti-Semitism, Bilbo ranted that “there are five million Jews in the United States and the majority of them are fine public citizens, but if Jews of your type don’t quit sponsoring and fraternizing with the Negro race you are going to arouse so much opposition that they will get a very strong invitation to pack up and resettle in Palestine, the homeland of the Jews, just as we propose to provide for the voluntary resettlement of the American Negro in West Africa their fatherland. Now do not pop-off and say I am in favor of sending the Jews to Palestine. What I am trying to say to you is that there are just a few of you New York ‘kikes’ that are fraternizing and socializing with the Negroes for selfish and political and if you keep it up you will arouse the opposition of the better class of your race.”

Perhaps most shocking and stomach-churning, Theodore Bilbo published a book in 1946 entitled “Take Your Choice: Separation or Mongrelization.” The racist manifesto furthered his efforts to popularize deporting all blacks to Africa, preying on racial anxieties and pointing to the “scientific” inferiority of blacks to argue that commingling of the races – which would lead to interracial marriages – would destroy white civilization. His own words best exemplify the true depths of his hatred and ignorance: “The experiences and history of thousands of years prove that whenever and wherever the white and black man have tried to live side by side the result has been mongrelization which has destroyed both races and left a brown mongrel people.”

For more on Theodore Bilbo and the role he played in the Senate, read Robert Caro’s incredible “Master of the Senate,” the third volume of his series on Lyndon B. Johnson.

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Robert Taft (R-OH, 1939-1953)

The son of President Howard Taft, Robert Taft made his name as a staunch conservative and opponent to the New Deal, which he labelled “socialist.” Taft’s opposition to Roosevelt and Democratic initiatives included arguing against American involvement in World War II prior to the Japanese attack on pearl Harbor. A staunch non-interventionist, Taft fought against all efforts to aid countries at war with Nazi Germany – his leadership in the cause pushed Roosevelt into acting without Congress, finding ways around the legislative branch to help victims of German aggression. After the war, Taft remained suspicious of, and hoped to demolish, NATO. He also condemned the Nuremberg Trials that sought to prosecute leading Nazis for crimes against humanity during the Holocaust.


Tag: Theodore Bilbo

Nota: In Part 6, we began to record some historical facts Democrats have hidden from the public or effectively encouraged the public to ignore. We added to the list in Part 7, and this week, in Part 8, we complete it. The list contains 33 items. It isn’t exhaustive by any means, but it is thorough and very informative. It’s available on a single page here.

Links to all the articles in this series are available here.

The second Sunday after a congregation had welcomed a new pastor into its midst, churchgoers noticed he preached the very same sermon he’d given a week earlier. The next week, he preached the same sermon yet again. When his people asked him why he was doing this, the pastor replied, “When you begin to apply the principles in this sermon, I’ll be happy to move on to the next one.”

As we continue adding items to our list of historical truths Democrats conveniently overlook, some may feel we are being repetitious, even though we’ve been adding new items every week. Unlike the new preacher who kept preaching the same sermon, I believe you’re getting it. Democrats, generally speaking, have rewritten history and are overlooking their own racist past. There are exceptions, but overall, Democrats have a history that upholds racism.

los eleventh item on our list (see last week’s post) highlighted Republican attempts to make lynching a federal crime in 1922, 1923, and 1924—and Democrat efforts to thwart them. Southern Democrats in the US Senate successfully filibustered the bill. Looking back a few years may shed some light on why these Democrats’ efforts could succeed.

Historical Truths Democrats Have Successfully Concealed

Twelfth, Woodrow Wilson, the 28 th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921, was a Democrat who promoted and adopted racist policies and who glorified the Ku Klux Klan. Under Wilson, the federal government resegregated numerous agencies in the US government. Sí, resegregated. Integration had taken place during Reconstruction decades before Wilson took office. Wilson “brought with him an administration loaded with white supremacists who segregated offices and removed black men from political appointments.” In 1914 President Wilson defended these policies, saying this:

Segregation is not humiliating but a benefit, and ought to be so regarded by you gentlemen. If your organization goes out and tells the colored people of the country that it is a humiliation, they will so regard it, but if you do not tell them so, and regard it rather as a benefit, they will regard it the same. The only harm that will come will be if you cause them to think it is a humiliation… If this organization is ever to have another hearing before me it must have another spokesman. Your manner offends me…

Of course, Wilson’s policies affected people on a personal level. One man affected was John Abraham Davis. John Davis was a hard worker and excelled in school. Not long after graduating from high school in 1882 he landed a job at the Government Printing Office in Washington, DC. His job became his career. John was rewarded for his hard work with promotions and pay increases, and by 1908 he had a very respectable income as well as a home in the nation’s capital and a farm in a nearby state. Everything changed for John after Wilson took office. He was demoted, then sent from one department to another to do jobs that required little skill or experience. In the end he wound up delivering messages in the War Department, but that job paid only about half of what he had been earning in 1908. John was forced to sell the farm, and by 1917 his spirit had been crushed. He’d live for eleven more years but could not recover from the humiliation and economic ruin Wilson’s racist policies had brought upon him. Not surprisingly, other black men in government jobs had similar experiences.

Moreover, Woodrow Wilson spoke glowingly of the Ku Klux Klan. In 1901 in his book, A History of the American People, Volume IX, Wilson wrote, “Those who loved mastery and adventure directed the work of the Ku Klux.” He also wrote, “The white men of the South were aroused by the mere instinct of self-preservation to rid themselves, by fair means or foul, of the intolerable burden of governments sustained by the votes of ignorant negroes and conducted in the interest of adventurers.” The quote inspired this frame in the racist movie The Birth of a Nation, a silent movie directed by by D. W. Griffith and released in 1915. The film was successful and was a factor leading to a resurgence of the Klan, which also took place in 1915.

On another issue, Wilson is seen today as a leader promoting women’s suffrage. ¡No tan rapido! He and other Democrats actually had no choice but to go along with passage of the Nineteenth Amendment after landslide wins for Republicans in Congress in the election of 1918. On May 21, 1919, the Nineteenth Amendment passed the House of Representatives. The vote was 304-89. Ninety-one percent of Republicans but just 59 percent of Democrats voted for it. The Senate passed the amendment on June 4 of the same year by a vote of 56-25. Eighty-two percent of Republicans but just 41 percent of Democrats voted for it. On to the states it went, and Tennessee became the 36 th state to ratify the amendment on August 26, 1920. Tom Wrutz writes, “Of the 36 states to ratify the 19 th Amendment, 26 were Republican states [states with Republican legislatures].”

Suffragist demonstration in 1913 in Washington, DC

Thirteenth, the Democrat Convention in 1924 was called Klanbake because of the controversy that swirled around it involving the Ku Klux Klan. No political convention in US history has lasted as long as did this one. From June 24 to July 9, 1924, delegates cast a total of 103 ballots before officially nominating John W. Davis and Charles W. Bryan to run for president and vice-president, respectively. They would be defeated by Calvin Coolidge and Charles G. Dawes in November.

Going into the convention, observers probably would have put their money on either Al Smith of New York or William Gibbs McAdoo, who had served as the Secretary of the Treasury in the Wilson administration and who would go on to serve as a Democrat US Senator from California. Davis became the compromise candidate.

Not all Democrats supported the revived KKK, and some wanted the party’s platform to condemn Klan for its violent activities. A plank was proposed. Pro-Klan delegates opposed Al Smith’s candidacy (Smith was a Catholic) and supported the candidacy of his chief opponent, William McAdoo (a Protestant). The convention was deeply divided. Writing about the proceedings, Randy Dotinga seasons his report with quotes from Robert K. Murray, a historian.

The vicious KKK debate finally ended in a chaotic two-hour vote that produced the most “prolonged pandemonium in an American political gathering.”

“The delegates engaged in fist fights, arguments, name calling, wrestling matches, and brawls, while the galleries howled and stomped their feet.” The fighting veered toward a riot that was only averted when 1,000 NYC cops hurried to the scene.

Debate over adopting the anti-Klan plank was fierce. In the end, the plank was rejected by a vote of 546.15 to 542.85. In Celebration, “tens of thousands of hooded Klansmen rallied in a field in New Jersey, across the river from New York City. This event…was also attended by hundreds of Klan delegates to the convention, who burned crosses, urged violence and intimidation against African Americans and Catholics, and attacked effigies of Smith.”

Fourteenth, Democrat Hugo Black, who was a US Senator from Alabama from 1927 to 1937, was a member of the Ku Klux Klan. After being elected to his seat in the Senate in 1926, Black spoke to a KKK gathering and thanked them for their support:

This passport which you have given me is a symbol to me of the passport which you have given me before. I do not feel that it would be out of place to state to you her on this occasion that I know that without the support of the members of this organization I would not have been called, even by my enemies, the “Junior Senator from Alabama.”

As a US Senator, Black strongly opposed anti-lynching legislation, even when the sponsors of the bill also were Democrats.

In 1935 Black led a filibuster of the Wagner-Costigan anti-lynching bill. The Pittsburgh Post Gazette reported that when a motion to end the fillibuster was defeated “[t]he southerners- headed by Tom Connally of Texas and Hugo Black of Alabama—grinned at each other and shook hands.”

Fifteenth, Franklin Delano Roosevelt appointed Hugo Black to the Supreme Court in 1937. He was an Associate Justice on the Supreme Court from August 19, 1937 until just September 17, 1971, just days before his death. Shortly after Black became an Associate Justice, reporter Ray Sprigle of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette wrote a story disclosing Black’s involvement in the KKK. The report caused quite a stir, and Sprigle won a Pulitzer Prize for his work. As a Supreme Court Justice, Black “went on to reintroduce America to the long-dormant phrase ‘separation of church and state, twisting its meaning. Black also wrote the majority opinion that deemed internment camps in the United States constitutional in 1944.”

Sixteenth, in 1938, during a filibuster of the Wagner-Van Nuys anti-lynching bill—a bill, by the way, bearing the names of two Democrat senators, Robert Wagner and Frederick Van Nuys— Mississippi Senator Theodore Bilbo, also a Democrat, declared,

If you succeed in the passage of this bill, you will open the floodgates of hell in the South. Raping, mobbing, lynching, race riots, and crime will be increased a thousandfold and upon your garments and the garments of those who are responsible for the passage of the measure will be the blood of the raped and outraged daughters of Dixie, as well as the blood of the perpetrators of these crimes that the red-blooded Anglo-Saxon White Southern men will not tolerate.

Seventeenth, in 1941, Franklin Delano Roosevelt appointed James Byrmes to the US Supreme Court. Byrmes was a segregationist who in 1919 said, “This is a white man’s country, and will always remain a white man’s country.”

Eighteenth, FDR committed racist acts and failed to defend races who were vulnerable.

  • In 1942, internment camps were established by Executive Order 9066 to house American citizens descended from Japanese and Japanese expatriates.
  • Jesse Owens had defied the propaganda of Adolf Hitler and Nazi Germany by winning four gold medals on German soil, at the Berlin Olympics of 1936. After the games, FDR invited only the white athletes to meet with him. Of course, Owens received no such invitation.

FDR invited only white athletes to meet with him following the 1936 Olympics in Berlin.

  • While Roosevelt was critical of lynching, he would not support a federal anti-lynching law. He said Southern Democrats, especially Senators, would retaliate by blocking other bills Roosevelt supported that were essential for the country’s survival: “If I come out for the anti-lynching bill now, they will block every bill I ask Congress to pass to keep America from collapsing. I just can’t take that risk.”
  • FDR also has been accused of not doing enough to help the Jews during the Holocaust and World War 2.

Ninteenth, evangelist Billy Graham led a crusade in Jackson, Mississippi in 1952. Graham’s policy was clear regarding race—members of all races would be welcome at his events. Mississippi Democrat Governor Hugh White didn’t like the policy and asked Graham to schedule different services for white and black audiences. Graham refused, although he did, at the Jackson Crusade, allow segregated seating. Several months later, in Chattanooga, Tennessee, Graham vehemently resisted the call for segregated seating. In Jackson, Graham proclaimed, “There is no scriptural basis for segregation. It may be there are places where such is desirable to both races, but certainly not in the church. The ground at the foot of the cross is level.…[I]t touches my heart when I see whites stand shoulder to shoulder with blacks at the cross.”

Twentieth, In 1956, a document was drafted in the US Congress called “The Declaration of Constitutional Principles” or simply the “Southern Manifesto.” In it, 101 political leaders expressed their opposition to racial integration in public facilities and venues, including schools. Ninety-nine of the leaders were Democrats and two were Republicans. One signatory to the document was J. William Fulbright, Senator from Arkansas and eventual mentor to Bill Clinton. Fulbright has been described as a racist, a “notorious segregationist,” pro-communist, and anti-Semitic. Recently, “the famous Fulbright fellowship…[was] renamed…the “J. William Fulbright–Hillary Rodham Clinton Fellowship.”

Former Democrat Arkansas Senator J. William Fulbright has been described as a racist, a “notorious segregationist,” pro-communist, and anti-Semitic. Recently, “the famous Fulbright fellowship…[was] renamed…the “J. William Fulbright–Hillary Rodham Clinton Fellowship.”

Twenty-first, Bruce Bartlett, author of Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party’s Buried Past,” explains that Republican President Dwight Eisenhower repeated his call for civil rights legislation in his 1957 State of the Union address. Previously, the legislation had passed in the House but had died in the Senate because of opposition from Southern Democrats. Lyndon B. Johnson was the Senate’s Majority Leader. Opponents of the legislation were looking to him to oppose it, just as he had in the past. (While a congressman, Johnson had called President Harry Truman’s civil rights initiative “a farce and a sham—an effort to set up a police state in the guise of liberty. I am opposed to that program. I have voted against the so-called poll tax repeal bill…I have voted against the so-called anti-lynching bill.”) Johnson, however, wanted to become president. Bartlett continues,

After dragging his feet on the civil rights bill throughout much of 1957, Johnson finally came to the conclusion that the tide had turned in favor of civil rights and he needed to be on the right side of the issue if he hoped to become president.…

At the same time, the Senate’s master tactician and principal opponent of the civil rights bill, Democrat Richard B. Russell of Georgia, saw the same handwriting on the wall but came to a different conclusion. He realized that the support was no longer there for an old-fashioned Democrat filibuster.…So Russell adopted a different strategy this time of trying to amend the civil rights bill so as to minimize its impact. Behind the scenes, Johnson went along with Russell’s strategy of not killing the civil rights bill, but trying to neuter it as much as possible.…

Eisenhower was disappointed at not being able to produce a better piece of legislation. “I wanted a much stronger civil rights bill in 󈧽 than I could get,” he later lamented. “But the Democrats…wouldn’t let me have it.”

Johnson explained his approach this way:

These Negroes, they’re getting pretty uppity these days and that’s a problem for us since they’ve got something now they never had before, the political pull to back up their uppityness. Now we’ve got to do something about this, we’ve got to give them a little something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference. For if we don’t move at all, then their allies will line up against us and there’ll be no way of stopping them, we’ll lose the filibuster and there’ll be no way of putting a brake on all sorts of wild legislation. It’ll be Reconstruction all over again.

Forgive the language—I’m just reporting what was said. On Air Force One, President Johnson was speaking to two like-minded governors and explaining some of the benefits Democrats would reap from his “Great Society” programs. Johnson said, “I’ll have those niggars voting Democrat for the next 200 years.”

Twenty-second, In 1958, Billy Graham planned a rally on the steps of South Carolina’s capitol building. South Carolina Democrat Governor George Timmerman objected and successfully nixed the plans to hold the rally at the capitol. Graham was viewed as an “integrationist.” In fact, the KKK had listed Billy Graham as one of their targets in 1957. Governor Timmerman said, “There is, in fact, no reason to select the State House unless the real purpose is to capitalize, for propaganda, purposes, on the appearance of a widely known advocate of desegregation. It is Graham’s endorsement of desegregation that has brought him front-page acclaim.” Bergantín. General Christian H. Clark helped make Fort Jackson, which was a federal venue, available, and the rally was held there. As many as 60,000 people of different races attended, and the meeting was “described at the time as the largest turnout for a non-sporting event in state history.”

Twenty-third, in 1962 George C. Wallace, then a Democrat, was elected Governor of Alabama. He was inaugurated on January 14, 1963.

In his inauguration speech he proclaimed, “In the name of the greatest people that have ever trod this earth, I draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny, and I say segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!”

Twenty-fourth, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was a Republican.

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., delivering his “I Have a Dream” speech on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, DC on August 28, 1963
The top image is a photo of the crowd attending that event.

Twenty-fifth, Contrary to the assumptions of many today, Republicans passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

  • In the House of Representatives, 80 percent of Republicans voted for the measure, while just 61 percent of Democrats voted for it.
  • In the Senate, Republicans were at last able to end a filibuster brought by Democrats. Eighty-two percent of Republicans supported cloture along with just 66 percent of Democrats.
  • In the vote on the legislation itself, 82 percent of Republicans and 69 percent of Democrats gave their support.

Twenty-sixth, Surprise, surprise! The Voting Rights Act of 1965 also became law largely because of Republicans.

  • Ninety-four percent of Republicans in the US Senate supported the Voting Rights Act, contrasted to 73 percent of Democrats.
  • When the Senate voted on the final version of the bill from the House, one lone Republican Senator opposed it, along with 17 Democrats.
  • In the House of Representatives, 82 percent of Republicans and 78 percent of Democrats voted for the legislation.

Republican Illinois Senator Everett Dirksen was a co-author of the legislation, and he strategized against opposition brought by Democrats. He said, “There has to be a real remedy. There has to be something durable and worthwhile. This cannot go on forever, this denial of the right to vote by ruses and devices and tests and whatever the mind can contrive to either make it very difficult or to make it impossible to vote.”

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 became law largely because of the work of Republicans.

Twenty-seventh, Lester Maddox was elected governor of Georgia in 1970 and was a Democrat at the time. An ardent segregationist, Maddox once said, “That’s part of American greatness, is discrimination. Sí señor. Inequality, I think, breeds freedom and gives a man opportunity.”

Twenty-eighth, In 1989, the NAACP sued three state officials, including then-Arkansas Democrat Governor Bill Clinton, under the Voting Rights Act of 1965, a federal statute. De acuerdo con la Arkansas Gazette on December 6, 1989, “Plaintiffs offered plenty of proof of monolithic voting along racial lines, intimidation of black voters and candidates and other official acts that made voting harder for blacks.” The paper also said that “the evidence at the trial was indeed overwhelming that the Voting Rights Act had been violated.” The court ordered the redrawing of electoral districts to enhance the strength of votes from the black community.

Writing at nationalreview.com, Deroy Murdock reports,

During his 12-year tenure, Governor Clinton never approved a state civil-rights law. However, he did issue birthday proclamations honoring Confederate leaders Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee. He also signed Act 116 in 1987. That statute reconfirmed that the star directly above the word “Arkansas” in the state flag “is to commemorate the Confederate States of America.” Arkansas also observed Confederate Flag Day every year Clinton served. The governor’s silence was consent.

Also, examples of merchandise from Bill Clinton’s presidential run in 1992 have appeared that reflect Confederate sympathies.

Twenty-ninth, As a presidential candidate in 2000, Al Gore declared to the NAACP that his father was voted out of office after voting for the Civil Rights Act in 1964. The Senior Gore, however, opposed the Civil Rights Act and voted against it. In 1970, Gore, Sr. lost to Republican Bill Brock in a contest that centered on the Supreme Court, the war in Viet Nam, and prayer in public schools. Also in 2000, Gore claimed to have worked to increase diversity among those who followed him every day, including the Secret Service but blacks in the Secret Service were suing Gore because they “were not being promoted to positions guarding the Vice-President.”

Thirtieth, in a National Review article titled “Whitewashing the Democratic Party’s History,” Mona Charen writes, “As recently as 2010, the Senate’s president pro tempore was former Ku Klux Klan Exalted Cyclops Robert Byrd (D., W.Va.).” Go here to learn more about this KKK role.

During World War 2, Byrd wrote, “I shall never fight in the armed forces with a Negro by my side. … Rather I should die a thousand times, and see Old Glory trampled in the dirt never to rise again, than to see this beloved land of ours become degraded by race mongrels, a throwback to the blackest specimen from the wilds.” Go here to view a brief timeline of Byrd’s actions with regard to race relations.

Thirty-first, Barak Obama has increased racial tensions in this country since becoming president. One glaring manifestation of this truth that if you’re opposed to his policies, you’re accused of racism. Check out articles here, here, here, and here.

This president is the most racist president there has ever been in America. He is purposely trying to use race to divide Americans.
—Ben Stein, speaking of President Barak Obama—

Thirty-second and finally, Hillary Clinton apparently has garnered support from people willing to embrace the Confederate flag (also go here). While a candidate can’t control who supports him or her, the candidate can disavow attitudes of prominent supporters with whom he or she disagrees.

Hillary Clinton does not have the best track record with regard to race, especially when one considers her husband’s policies when he was Governor of Arkansas. Yet she has been quick to accuse Republicans of racism.

In fact, accusations of racism among Republicans has become a Democrat mantra.

You see, Democrats don’t just rewrite the past, they misrepresent the present, too.


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